Chumash traditional medicine

The climate of the Chumash territory supported a variety of plant species, many of which were used in medicine. The following list provides a sampling of commonly used plants in Chumash healing practices, but cannot be considered complete.[2]

Certain aspects of Chumash healing practices have been compared to those used in Chinese healing. The use of certain healing touches, as well as spiritual practices in healing are well-documented in both cultures. Notably, plants of the same genus were often used to achieve the same healing effect. For example, the poppies papaver californicum in California and papaver somniferum were used to treat pain. Both species contain morphine and papaverine, powerful opiates. Several other medicinal parallels between the two cultures exist, including the use of diterpenoids and flavones to treat skin irritations and flavonols and tannins for diarrhea.[3]

Both medical philosophies rely on maintaining the balance between two forces, the Yin and Yang for the Chinese, and the Sun and Sky Coyote for the Chumash. In Chinese practice, Yin is the inhibiting force, while Yang is the activating. The Sun and Sky Coyote personify the dualistic philosophy of the Chumash, with a hot and unforgiving Sun, and a cool and generous Sky. In both traditions, balance must be maintained to achieve good health, and treatment for illness usually looks to fortify whichever side is lacking, as determined by a trained healer. This duality is represented in divisions of day and night, male and female, and hot and cold, among others. The Chinese treat diseases caused by cold with plant remedies which warm the patient, such as those with adrenergic properties which increase heart rate and blood flow. Chumash peoples bathe daily in cold water, but use sweat lodges and hot springs to harness the healing powers of heat.[3]

Some historians argue that Chinese peoples landed in California in the early 15th century, but the validity of such claims remain in dispute. However, it is more likely that Polynesian peoples had contact with both the Chinese and indigenous nations in California, potentially facilitating the transfer of herbal knowledge. Still some maintain that humans innately look to plants as potential medicines, and only those groups which successfully utilize plants are able to survive.[3]

Women were kept isolated during menstruation and prohibited from eating meat or drinking cold water for three days. They also could not bathe, despite daily bathing being common in Chumash culture. Instead, they used the leaves of Wooly Bluecurls as douches. White sage was used to control heavy bleeding. Dysmenorrhea and premenstrual syndrome were treated with mugwort or Paeonia californica. Many treatments could be harmful in large doses.[5]

Urinary tract infections were treated with teas meant to increase urination and raise the pH of the urine, creating a hostile environment for bacteria. Teas could be made from Ephedra viridis or Ephedra californica, as well as corn silk.[5]

If possible, childbirth took place in a special hut under the guidance of a midwife, though it was not uncommon for pregnant women to give birth on their own if they were too far from the village. Mugwort was burned to be used as aromatherapy to ease labor pains. Trichostema lanatum and Trichostema lanceolatum also relieved pain and was used to facilitate delivery of the afterbirth. These plants could then be used as a douche. The umbilical cord was cut with a knife made from carrizo cane and ash was spread on the infant's navel to stop the bleeding.

After giving birth, women bathed in cold water. Husbands were prohibited from touching their wives after childbirth until that child could walk on its own.[5]

Gonorrhea afflicted the Chumash people pre-European contact, but cases of the disease increased with the rise of Spanish missions, decreasing fertility. Rock powder was believed to increase fertility. Yerba mansa was believed to cure gonorrhea, as well as many other afflictions. Seawater was used to treat sores from venereal diseases, as well as tea made from carrizo cane.[5]

In contrast to the Chumash use of psychotropic substances such as peyote and datura (jimsonweed) in ritualistic practices, there is no indication that the Chumash used any form of fermented alcohol, similar to Indians throughout North and South America prior to European contact. As explored by cross-cultural study, the predisposition of Chumash to alcohol abuse does not stem from biological factors. Rather, abuse seems to be a product of many societal factors. One major contributor to Chumash alcohol use appears to be the spiritual relationship of the Chumash to altered states of consciousness from botanical substances, such as datura. In addition, the absence of fermented beverages in pre-colonial Chumash society meant an absence of societal norms for dealing with alcohol use, contrary to the methods of prohibition or moderation practiced in most European societies. Thus, when the moderate to heavy drinking found in European frontier communities was introduced to the Chumash and other Native peoples, they were at a much higher risk for abuse. This high rate of abuse has led to a number of modern methods of alleviation, including non-native ones such as Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and Native practices involving spiritual and communal efforts to break addiction.[6][7] Research on levels of alcohol dehydrogenase (ADH) and aldehyde dehydrogenase (ALDH), enzymes responsible for alcohol breakdown and clearance, also indicates no biological predisposition to alcoholism for Southwest California Native Americans (such as the Chumash). There is evidence of genetic protective elements against alcohol dependence in many Native Americans, which has further discredited theories of its biological inevitability.[8]

1769 marked the beginning of Spanish military and religious missions to assimilate Native Chumash in the Alta region of California, roughly around modern-day Santa Barbara. This date also coincides with apparent changes to the Chumash environment and way of life that invoked declines in Chumash health. Prior to colonization, the Chumash enjoyed ecological abundance and diversity even during cyclical droughts and El Niño events, indicating a millennia-long period of acclimatization to their environment. However, this stability was significantly altered by European contact.[9]

Traditionally, historical narratives have attributed declines in Chumash health to European oppression. However, this narrative has been replaced by a more nuanced perspective consisting of exacerbated environmental fluctuations from overpopulation and over-utilization of resources following Spanish colonization. This effect was in conjunction with the devastating effects of originally European diseases on Chumash people, which likely began wounding the Chumash in the late 16th century. The effect of Spanish overpopulation and resource destruction is documented by a Spanish missionary, Father Gregorio Fernandez, in 1803. This letter documents the increasing number of Chumash migrants to Spanish missions—not because of increasing Christian beliefs—but because of the devastation of Chumash agricultural plants. This effect was greatest on the Chumash staple of the acorn, caused primarily by overexploitation of Spanish cattle-grazing. The religious conversion of Chumash also corresponds to documented disease increases and poorer health from the vitality and healthfulness prior to colonization, which was even recorded by early Spanish conquistadors.[9]

Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are a chemical product of fossil fuels, found in substances such as gasoline, tar, and cigarettes. The adverse health effects of PAHs are well-researched, perversely affecting the human body via the nervous system, hormonal disruptions, and fetal abnormalities.

Before the industrial era, the predominant form of PAHs was found in natural bitumen from fossils. One of the most concentrated regions of bitumen in the world is the region home to the Chumash, where they used bitumen in myriad materials, including tomol canoes and water-carrying baskets. Thus, the Chumash have been a target of interest for research on PAH exposure, owing to their prolific use of PAH-containing bitumen over the previous millennia (with evidence of use in objects as far back as 10,000 years ago).[10]

Wärmländer et al. have studied the skeletons of Chumash between 6500 BCE and the beginning of significant European contact (mid-1700s) and found a number of consistent decreases in Chumash health over the time of bitumen use. Among these markers was systematic decreases in skull size for both males and females over the studied timescale, indicating both decreased birthweight and neurological development over millennia. Despite that these adverse health outcomes are consistent with PAH exposure, some argue that a direct link between bitumen use and decreased Chumash health is still not known. Patricia Lambert of Utah State University is among Chumash experts who question the hypothesis of bitumen use leading to poorer Chumash health, citing the need for increased research on the controversial topic.[11]

Among the problems associated with PAH exposure is increased incidence of cancers. Thus, a number of Chumash methods have been developed to deal with cancer management. As discussed, spiritual practices were integral to Chumash medicinal practices. This included the use of hallucinogenic substances, along with techniques such as hypnosis though chanting, as practiced by other Native American populations. It is also hypothesized that a number of plants consumed by the Chumash may have alleviated the harmful effects of PAH exposure, leading to modern theories about botanical and nutritive cancer-prevention substances. Once again, this is where Chumash and Native medicinal practice reaches an impasse with much of modern Western medicine. It is thus a topic of controversy among Chumash researchers and medical professionals.[12]

Datura, also called "momoy" by the Chumash or "jimsonweed", is a hallucinogenic plant commonly consumed as a liquid in traditional Chumash spiritual practice. Early anthropological records indicate adolescent males and females would receive datura from a "giver" when seemed ready for its rite of passage. Typically, Chumash restrictions on diet and sex would be observed by individuals before ingestion.[13]

The effects of datura often would consist of up to a day of incapacitation, the length of which was viewed to indicate the spiritual strength of the individual. Hallucinations in dreams and of animals such as hawks or coyotes were viewed as marks of a successful datura experience. The effects of datura, however, vary greatly by dosage, and current understanding indicates lasting adverse physiological effects up to days to months after ingestion.[13]

The most significant side-effect of datura can be death, as the lethal dose of the drug is very slightly more than the necessary dose to produce hallucinations. Deaths from datura in Chumash communities were often seen as the fault of the drinker, who was assumed to deviate from the necessary dietary or sexual restrictions or have chosen to not come back from the experience.[13] For this reason, the use of datura has been criticized by many for being too dangerous, especially as its use is often begun in adolescence.